![]() " Russian world", and Putin said ".we are one nation. In the 2000s, Russia waged a large-scale propaganda campaign in Ukraine, based on the doctrine of Kievan Rus' reached its greatest extent under Yaroslav the Wise (1019–1054) his sons issued its first written legal code, the Russkaya Pravda, shortly after his death. Many Russians see Kyiv as the birthplace of their nation. Like Ukraine, Belarus and Russia both consider Kievan Rus their cultural ancestor, part of a shared past. The Russian Federation misinforms and misleads its citizens and the audience of its television channels in other countries - Channel One Russia and Russia-24 for example. Nonmilitary tactics also come under the military in Russia, and although United States Marine Corps research suggests that the ratio is still largely aspirational, it indicates a recognition of "the utility of nonmilitary measures in interstate confrontation, especially during what would be considered peacetime." Gerasimov, chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, describes a novel type of warfare that incorporates elements of propaganda, demoralization, distraction and political posturing in both peace and times of war, and above all the importance of social media, beyond both cyberwarfare and information war as NATO understands them, He suggested a 4:1 ratio of nonmilitary to military measures. 2.6.3.2 Attempts to censor Russian Wikipediaįurther information: Russian disinformation in the post-Soviet era.2.5.4 Russian interference with Ukrainian media.Ukraine's strategy includes comedy, and teaching skepticism of Russian narratives. "Ukraine's online propaganda is largely focused on its heroes and martyrs, characters who help dramatize tales of Ukrainian fortitude and Russian aggression." Such stories are spread not only by Ukraine's leaders but also by citizens using social media. Ukraine communicates with its population as well, but also with other governments and populations, portraying itself as indomitable and unafraid, but in need of weapons. Russian television had been claiming for eight years that Ukrainian Nazis posed a threat to Russia, giving the narrative a "first-mover advantage, reinforced by repetition and familiarity." A full 58 percent of Russians polled between February 28 and March 3 approved. The Kremlin denies waging war in Ukraine, saying it just wants to protect Russian speakers in Ukraine against Ukrainian Nazis. ![]() In part due to censorship, which has effectively shut down all but government-controlled media in Russia, Kremlin messaging has largely succeeded in convincing the citizens of the Russian Federation to support its approach in Ukraine. Russia's information war continuously seeks strategic victory and reflexive control through tools as diverse as undersea cable, national origin stories, control of the news cycle, or polluting an information space with Russian bots and trolls. "Informatsionnaya voyna" ( Russian: информационная война, lit.'Informational war') includes cyberwarfare, usually framed as technical defenses to technical attacks in warfare, but only as one of many strategies. His definition reflected his assessment of Western involvement in these events, and particularly in the 2011–2013 Russian protests. He believed that color revolutions and the Arab Spring had been instigated by Western governments, and posed a threat to the Russian Federation. Government and intergovernmental reactionsĪ Russian concept of information war against Ukraine was first enunciated by Valery Gerasimov in 2013 to describe a Western information war that he believed that Russia needed to counter.
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